1946: Jawaharlal Nehru Appointed Vice President with Prime Ministerial Powers as the Interim Government of India Is Formed

The Interim Government of India (1946-1947): A Pivotal Transition from British Rule to Independence and Partition.

The Interim Government of India, formed on September 2, 1946, represents a critical transitional period in South Asian history, marking the final phase of British colonial rule and the gradual transfer of power to Indian leadership ahead of formal independence. This government, though provisional in nature, served as the administrative bridge between the British Raj and the independent dominions of India and Pakistan that would emerge in August 1947. Headed by Jawaharlal Nehru as Vice President with de facto prime ministerial powers, this government navigated complex political challenges, communal tensions, and administrative responsibilities during one of the most tumultuous periods in the subcontinent's history. The formation of this government was not merely an administrative change but symbolized the culmination of decades of nationalist struggle while simultaneously exposing the deep divisions between the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League that would ultimately lead to partition. This comprehensive examination explores the intricate history of the Interim Government, analyzing its formation, functioning, key personalities, challenges, and historical significance within the broader context of India's journey toward independence.

Background and Formation Context

Post-War Political Landscape

The aftermath of World War II fundamentally altered the political dynamics between Britain and its largest colony, India. The British economy, exhausted by war expenditures, could no longer sustain the costs of maintaining its empire, while international pressure—particularly from the United States and the Soviet Union—mounted against continued colonialism. Within India, the Quit India Movement of 1942 had demonstrated the strength of nationalist sentiments, even though its violent suppression had left Congress leaders imprisoned for much of the war period. The election of a Labour Party government under Clement Attlee in Britain in 1945 signaled a dramatic shift in colonial policy, with Attlee explicitly committed to Indian independence. The new government moved quickly to initiate negotiations, leading to the release of Congress leaders who had been detained since 1942 and setting the stage for constitutional discussions .

The political environment in India during this period was characterized by increasing polarization between the Indian National Congress, which advocated for a unified India with strong central authority, and the Muslim League, which had increasingly mobilized around the demand for a separate Muslim homeland—Pakistan. The 1946 provincial elections proved decisive in shaping the negotiations that would follow. The Congress won approximately 69% of the general seats, dominating the Hindu-majority provinces, while the Muslim League captured all 30 reserved Muslim seats in the Central Assembly and 442 out of 509 Muslim seats in provincial assemblies, establishing itself as the undeniable representative of Muslim political interests . This electoral outcome made any constitutional settlement without League participation virtually impossible, setting the stage for the complex negotiations that would follow.

The Cabinet Mission Plan

In March 1946, the British government dispatched a three-member Cabinet Mission to India—comprising Secretary of State for India Lord Pethick-Lawrence, President of the Board of Trade Sir Stafford Cripps, and First Lord of the Admiralty A.V. Alexander—with the objective of facilitating the transfer of power while preserving India's unity. After extensive discussions with Indian leaders, the Mission proposed a three-tier constitutional structure in May 1946: a weak federal government at the center dealing with foreign affairs, defense, and communications; groups of provinces (Group A: Hindu-majority provinces, Group B: Muslim-majority northwest, Group C: Muslim-majority northeast) with their own executives and legislatures; and individual provinces with significant autonomy. Both Congress and the Muslim League initially accepted this plan, though with serious reservations and differing interpretations .

The critical point of contention emerged regarding the grouping scheme. The Congress interpreted the plan as allowing provinces the right to opt out of groups before the constitution-making process, while the Muslim League and British government insisted that grouping should be mandatory and that provinces could only opt out after the first elections under the new constitution. This interpretation conflict culminated in Jawaharlal Nehru's statement as Congress President on July 10, 1946, that Congress felt "unbound by agreements" and would approach the Constituent Assembly "unfettered by agreements and free to meet all situations as they arise." The Muslim League viewed this as a fundamental betrayal of the Cabinet Mission Plan and withdrew its acceptance on July 29, 1946, calling for "direct action" to achieve Pakistan .

Formation Process and Timeline

Initial Negotiations and Deadlock

Following the collapse of the Cabinet Mission Plan, Viceroy Lord Wavell attempted to break the political impasse by inviting both parties to join an interim government. On July 22, 1946, he proposed a 14-member Executive Council with 6 Congress nominees, 5 Muslim League nominees, and 3 representatives from minority communities. Wavell specified that important portfolios would be divided equally between Congress and the League and that neither party would have veto power over the other's nominations. While this proposal attempted to balance representation, both Nehru and Jinnah rejected it within days, creating a complete deadlock in negotiations .

Faced with this stalemate, the Secretary of State for India instructed Wavell to invite Congress to form the government alone. On August 6, 1946, Wavell extended this invitation to Nehru, effectively sidelining the Muslim League. The Congress Working Committee, meeting on August 8, authorized Nehru to negotiate terms for joining the interim government. Nehru initially proposed forming a full-strength ministry by filling the five Muslim seats with non-League Muslims, but Wavell rejected this approach, insisting that the Muslim seats be left vacant for potential League participation later. After resolving these differences, a communiqué was issued on August 24 announcing that the new Executive Council would assume office on September 2, 1946 .

Installation of the Government

On September 2, 1946, the Interim Government was inaugurated with Congress members and representatives of minority communities. The Congress nominees were Jawaharlal Nehru, Vallabhbhai Patel, Rajendra Prasad, Sarat Chandra Bose, C. Rajagopalachari, and Jagjivan Ram. The minority representatives were Baldev Singh (Sikh), C.H. Bhabha (Parsi), and John Matthai (Indian Christian). Additionally, three non-League Muslims—Asaf Ali, Shafaat Ahmad Khan, and Syed Ali Zaheer—were included, with two Muslim seats left vacant. The Muslim League vehemently protested this "one-party government" and declared September 2 a "black day", with black flags flown throughout Muslim neighborhoods in India .

The government began functioning with Nehru as Vice President of the Executive Council, effectively serving as prime minister, though constitutionally the Viceroy remained president. The distribution of portfolios was as follows: Nehru (External Affairs and Commonwealth Relations), Patel (Home, Information and Broadcasting), Prasad (Food and Agriculture), Rajagopalachari (Education), Jagjivan Ram (Labour), Baldev Singh (Defense), Asaf Ali (Railways), and others . Despite the League's absence, the government represented the first time that Indians held most executive authority, with the Viceroy's role becoming increasingly ceremonial.

Muslim League's Entry

The interim government initially functioned without Muslim League participation, but both the British and Congress quickly realized that administration would be difficult without representation from the largest Muslim party. Meanwhile, the Muslim League faced pressure from its constituents to protect Muslim interests by joining the government. After a series of negotiations between Jinnah and Wavell, the League agreed to join on October 13, 1946, with five representatives entering the government on October 26: Liaquat Ali Khan, I.I. Chundrigar, Abdur Rab Nishtar, Ghazanfar Ali Khan, and Jogendra Nath Mandal .

To accommodate the League members, three existing members—Sarat Chandra Bose, Shafaat Ahmad Khan, and Syed Ali Zaheer—resigned. The Congress leadership was displeased with the circumstances of the League's entry, particularly since Jinnah made it clear that League ministers would not be answerable to Nehru as Congress leader. Portfolio allocations were rearranged, with the crucial Finance portfolio going to Liaquat Ali Khan, while Congress retained key departments like Home, External Affairs, and Defense. This arrangement created an inherently divided government with competing agendas that would hamper effective governance .

Structure and Composition of the Government

Constitutional Position and Authority

The Interim Government functioned through the Viceroy's Executive Council, which was transformed from an advisory body to a council of ministers with actual executive power. The Government of India Act 1935 remained the constitutional framework, but with significant modifications through the Instrument of Instructions that established the interim arrangement. The Viceroy (Lord Wavell until February 1947, then Lord Mountbatten) remained the formal head of government, but in practice, substantial power devolved to Indian ministers. Nehru, as Vice President, functioned as prime minister and was recognized as such by both Indian and international leaders, though the title was not officially used until independence .

The Interim Government's authority was constrained in several important ways. The Viceroy retained special responsibility for defense and external affairs (until explicitly delegated to Nehru), and maintained control over the civil service. Furthermore, the British Parliament remained the ultimate legislative authority, though in practice largely deferred to the Interim Government on domestic matters. The government also faced the challenge of operating alongside the existing bureaucratic structure of the British Raj, with Indian ministers learning to navigate administrative systems while simultaneously preparing for complete independence .

Key Personnel and Portfolios

Table: Composition of the Interim Government after Muslim League's Entry

Member	Portfolio	Party Affiliation
Jawaharlal Nehru	External Affairs, Commonwealth Relations	Indian National Congress
Vallabhbhai Patel	Home, Information & Broadcasting	Indian National Congress
Rajendra Prasad	Food & Agriculture	Indian National Congress
C. Rajagopalachari	Education	Indian National Congress
Jagjivan Ram	Labour	Indian National Congress
Asaf Ali	Railways	Indian National Congress
Liaquat Ali Khan	Finance	Muslim League
I.I. Chundrigar	Commerce	Muslim League
Abdur Rab Nishtar	Communications	Muslim League
Ghazanfar Ali Khan	Health	Muslim League
Jogendra Nath Mandal	Law	Muslim League
Baldev Singh	Defense	Sikh Representative
C.H. Bhabha	Works, Mines & Power	Parsi Representative
John Matthai	Industries & Supplies	Indian Christian

The composition of the Interim Government reflected a careful balancing of political, communal, and regional interests. The Congress secured the most important portfolios that would shape India's future governance—Home Affairs (Patel), External Affairs (Nehru), and Food and Agriculture (Prasad). The Muslim League's acquisition of the Finance portfolio through Liaquat Ali Khan proved particularly significant, as it gave them oversight of all government expenditures through the powerful Finance Ministry. The inclusion of Jogendra Nath Mandal, a Dalit leader from Bengal, as Law Minister was strategically important for the League, as it challenged Congress's claim to represent all disadvantaged groups .

The working dynamics within the government were often contentious. League members, following Jinnah's instructions, frequently obstructed decision-making and refused to acknowledge Nehru's leadership. Liaquat Ali Khan used his position as Finance Minister to block initiatives proposed by Congress ministers and scrutinize their expenditures, creating administrative deadlock. The government functioned as two parallel administrations rather than a cohesive unit, with Congress and League ministers pursuing opposing agendas that reflected their fundamentally different visions for India's future .

Functioning and Challenges

Administrative Operations

Despite political tensions, the Interim Government managed significant day-to-day administration during a period of tremendous uncertainty. It dealt with post-war economic challenges including food shortages, inflation, and industrial demobilization. The government began the process of establishing diplomatic relations with other countries, with Nehru's External Affairs ministry setting up preliminary embassies and initiating foreign policy formulation. Important domestic policies were initiated, including planning for economic development and discussions about the future constitutional structure through the Constituent Assembly .

The government operated within the constraints of the existing bureaucratic machinery of the British Raj, creating friction between Indian ministers and British officials accustomed to autonomous decision-making. Indian ministers faced a steep learning curve in understanding administrative procedures and asserting their authority over a civil service that had traditionally answered to British superiors. Nevertheless, the interim period provided invaluable experience in governance for Congress leaders who had spent decades in opposition or imprisonment, preparing them for the responsibilities of full independence .

Political Conflicts and Deadlock

The Interim Government was plagued by persistent conflict between Congress and Muslim League ministers, who operated as opposing factions rather than collaborative partners. League ministers regularly boycotted meetings, refused to acknowledge Nehru's leadership, and obstructed policy decisions. The Finance Ministry under Liaquat Ali Khan became a particular flashpoint, as it scrutinized and sometimes blocked initiatives from Congress-led ministries. Khan's first budget, presented in March 1947, which proposed increased business taxes and stricter enforcement measures, was interpreted by Congress as a deliberate attempt to embarrass them and undermine economic stability .

The deep ideological divide was exemplified by their opposing approaches to the Constituent Assembly, which began meeting in December 1946 to draft India's constitution. While Congress participated enthusiastically, the Muslim League boycotted the proceedings, arguing that the Assembly lacked legitimacy without League participation and that the grouping scheme was not being implemented as promised. This boycott undermined the Assembly's claim to represent all Indians and reinforced the League's demand for a separate constituent assembly for Pakistan. The government's internal divisions mirrored the worsening communal situation outside, with increasing violence between Hindu and Muslim communities, particularly in Bengal and Punjab .

Communal Violence and Government Response

During the interim period, communal violence escalated dramatically, culminating in the Great Calcutta Killing of August 1946, which left approximately 4,000 dead and 100,000 homeless, and subsequent violence in Noakhali, Bihar, and Punjab. The Interim Government struggled to contain this violence with law enforcement mechanisms that remained under British control until virtually the end of the Raj. The deeply divided nature of the government hampered effective response, with Congress and League ministers often accusing each other of complicity in the violence .

The worsening law and order situation demonstrated the limitations of the Interim Government's authority, as ultimate control over police and military remained with the Viceroy. The violence also strengthened the argument for partition, as it became increasingly clear that cooperation between Hindu and Muslim communities was deteriorating beyond repair. Both British and Indian leaders began to accept that transfer of power might require division of the subcontinent, a possibility that had been unthinkable just a year earlier .

Role in Independence and Partition Process

Transition to Mountbatten and Partition Decision

In February 1947, with the political situation deteriorating, the British government announced that Lord Mountbatten would replace Wavell as Viceroy, with a mandate to facilitate transfer of power no later than June 1948. Mountbatten arrived in India in March 1947 and began intensive negotiations with Indian leaders. The failure of the Interim Government to function cohesively convinced Mountbatten that a unified India was unworkable, and he increasingly leaned toward partition as the only viable solution. The Muslim League's continued insistence on Pakistan and Congress's reluctant acceptance of division as preferable to continued chaos created consensus around partition .

Mountbatten's announcement of the June 3 Plan (also known as the Mountbatten Plan) provided for the transfer of power to two successor dominions—India and Pakistan—based on territorial partition. The Interim Government was tasked with managing the administrative aspects of this transition while the Boundary Commissions determined the precise borders. The announcement fundamentally changed the role of the Interim Government, which now had to oversee its own dissolution while preparing for the creation of two independent states .

Administrative Division and Transfer of Power

From June 1947 onward, the Interim Government focused on the immense logistical challenge of partitioning British India's assets, including financial reserves, military assets, administrative machinery, and even library collections. A Partition Committee was established with representatives from both sides, but negotiations were often contentious. The government also had to maintain law and order during a period of massive population transfers and escalating communal violence that would claim hundreds of thousands of lives .

On August 15, 1947, the Interim Government was formally dissolved and replaced by two separate governments for the Dominions of India and Pakistan. In India, Nehru became the first Prime Minister, heading a cabinet that included many of the same Congress leaders who had served in the Interim Government. The continuity of administration was maintained despite the traumatic division of the subcontinent, thanks in part to the experience gained during the interim period .

Legacy and Historical Significance

Constitutional and Political Legacy

The Interim Government established important constitutional precedents for independent India. The parliamentary system, with a prime minister and cabinet responsible to the legislature, was effectively road-tested during this period. The distribution of portfolios and administrative practices developed during the interim period continued after independence. Perhaps most significantly, the experience of the Interim Government demonstrated the workability of a secular, democratic system for India, despite the parallel failure to keep the country united .

The government also played a crucial role in establishing the administrative framework for independent India. The experience of governing during this transitional period allowed Indian leaders to develop practical governance skills and understand the complexities of administration. The structures and processes established during this period facilitated a relatively smooth transition to full independence, in stark contrast to the violent chaos that accompanied partition .

Assessment and Historical Interpretations

Historians have offered varying assessments of the Interim Government's significance. Some view it as a missed opportunity to avert partition, arguing that more sincere cooperation between Congress and the League might have preserved unity. Others see its failure as inevitable given the irreconcilable differences between the two parties' visions for India. Most scholars agree that the government provided valuable governance experience for Indian leaders and demonstrated that Indians could govern themselves effectively, albeit under difficult circumstances .

The Interim Government represents both the culmination of the nationalist struggle and the tragic failure to maintain a unified India. It functioned as a symbol of impending independence while simultaneously exposing the deep communal divisions that would lead to partition. Its mixed legacy reflects the broader contradictions of India's independence—achieved through celebration and tragedy, unity and division, hope and bloodshed. The government's brief existence encapsulates one of the most transformative periods in modern South Asian history .

Conclusion

The Interim Government of India (1946-1947) was a remarkable experiment in transitional governance that played a pivotal role in the transfer of power from British to Indian hands. Despite its brief existence and internal contradictions, it established important constitutional precedents, provided crucial governance experience to Indian leaders, and maintained administrative continuity during a period of intense political turmoil and communal violence. Headed by Jawaharlal Nehru as de facto prime minister, the government navigated the complex process that led to both independence and partition, shaping the future trajectories of India and Pakistan. Its legacy remains embedded in the political systems of both nations and serves as a poignant reminder of both the achievements and limitations of India's independence movement. The Interim Government represents the critical bridge between the colonial past and independent future—a government born from compromise that ultimately could not compromise enough to keep a nation united.

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