Commemorating Comoros Independence Day: Honoring People’s Liberation From French Colonial Rule on July 6, 1975 with Unity and Pride

Comoros Independence Day: Commemorating the 1975 Liberation from French Colonial Rule and the Establishment of National Sovereignty

The Union of the Comoros, an archipelago nation nestled in the warm waters of the Indian Ocean between Madagascar and the southeastern African coast, celebrates its Independence Day on July 6th to commemorate its 1975 declaration of freedom from French colonial rule. This date marks a pivotal moment in the complex historical trajectory of these volcanic islands, but the full story encompasses centuries of cultural blending, colonial exploitation, political maneuvering, and ongoing tensions that continue to shape the nation's identity. The path to independence was neither straightforward nor universally embraced across all islands, resulting in a fractured sovereignty that persists to this day with Mayotte remaining under French administration. 

This comprehensive examination will trace the Comoros' journey from early settlement through colonial subjugation to contested independence and its turbulent post-colonial experience.

Ancient Roots and Early Encounters

Long before European powers set their sights on the Comoros archipelago, these fertile volcanic islands had developed a distinctive civilization shaped by successive waves of migration and trade. Archaeological evidence suggests the islands were first settled by Austronesian sailors from Southeast Asia as early as the 5th or 6th century CE, with these seafaring peoples likely arriving in the same migratory waves that populated Madagascar . These early inhabitants brought with them advanced agricultural techniques and crops including rice strains of both indica and japonica varieties from Southeast Asia, along with mung bean and cotton, establishing farming communities that would form the foundation of Comorian society .

By the 8th to 13th centuries, the Comoros became a crucial nexus in Indian Ocean trade networks, attracting Bantu-speaking settlers from the African mainland, Arab merchants from the Persian Gulf, and Shirazi slave traders who established trading ports . This convergence of cultures created a unique syncretic society where African traditions blended with Arab and Islamic influences. The islands' strategic location along maritime trade routes between Africa, Arabia, and India made them valuable waystations for merchants dealing in spices, slaves, and other commodities. Portuguese explorers became the first Europeans to document the islands in 1505, with cartographer Diego Ribero including them on a European world map by 1527 . However, Arab cultural and political dominance persisted throughout the 16th century, with the islands being referred to by Omani sailors as the "Perfume Islands" in 933 due to their fragrant ylang-ylang and other aromatic plants .

The pre-colonial political landscape was characterized by a patchwork of sultanates, with the Sultanate of Anjouan emerging as particularly influentia . Grande Comore (Ngazidja) was typically divided among several competing rulers—at times fragmented into as many as twelve small kingdoms—while Anjouan (Ndzwani) and Mayotte (Maore) often fell under single rulers who occasionally attempted to extend their authority across the archipelago . This political fragmentation would later be exploited by European colonial powers seeking to establish control.

French Colonial Imposition (1841-1946)

France's systematic colonization of the Comoros began in 1841 when Admiral de Hell, governor of Réunion, negotiated with the Malagasy ruler of Mayotte, Andrian Souli (also known as Tsy Levalo), to cede the island to France . The French were motivated by Mayotte's excellent natural harbor at Dzaoudzi, which provided a much-needed Indian Ocean base after losing other ports to Britain in 1814. The Treaty of April 1841 formalized this arrangement, with France abolishing slavery on Mayotte in 1846—though the practice would persist in various forms across the archipelago for decades.

Over the next forty-five years, France gradually extended its control over the remaining islands through a combination of diplomatic pressure and military coercion. Protection treaties were signed with the sultans of Grande Comore, Anjouan, and Mohéli in 1886, 1887, and 1892 respectively, though these islands only became formal colonies in 1912 when France consolidated its holdings into the Madagascar and Dependencies colony . This administrative structure placed the Comoros under the authority of French Madagascar, a subordination that would last until 1946.

Colonial rule brought profound changes to Comorian society and economy. The French introduced a plantation-based system focused on cash crops like vanilla, ylang-ylang, cloves, cocoa, and copra, often at the expense of food security . Large tracts of land were appropriated by French sociétés (companies) and Arab elites, displacing subsistence farmers and creating an economic dependency that persists to this day. While France did introduce modern medicine—leading to significant population growth—and formally abolished slavery, colonial administrators made minimal investments in infrastructure or education . By the eve of independence, the Comoros had only one secondary school and virtually no national media infrastructure .

World War II briefly interrupted French control when British forces occupied the islands in 1942 to prevent their use by Vichy France, handing them to the Free French by October 1946 . This wartime disruption, combined with growing anti-colonial sentiment worldwide, set the stage for political changes in the postwar period.

The Road to Independence (1946-1975)

In 1946, the Comoros were reconstituted as an overseas territory of France with representation in the French National Assembly, administratively separated from Madagascar . The capital was established at Dzaoudzi on Mayotte, reflecting that island's historical ties to France and superior infrastructure . A Territorial Assembly was created with representatives from all four islands, marking the first formal political institution encompassing the entire archipelago .

The 1950s and 1960s saw gradual moves toward self-rule within the French system. The loi-cadre (enabling law) of June 23, 1956, authorized the election of a Governing Council in August 1957 . A 1958 referendum saw Comorans vote overwhelmingly to maintain their association with France, and in 1961 the islands were granted internal autonomy under a new constitution . However, cracks in the unified archipelago were already appearing—Mayotte voted against the 1958 autonomy provisions, preferring instead to become a full French department, foreshadowing future divisions .

By the early 1970s, independence movements gained momentum across Africa and within the Comoros. France, facing increasing pressure to decolonize, reached an agreement in 1973 for the Comoros to become independent in 1978 . However, events would accelerate beyond this timeline. On December 22, 1974, France organized an independence referendum across the archipelago. The results revealed a stark divergence: 94.57% of voters on Grande Comore, 99.93% on Anjouan, and 99.96% on Mohéli favored independence, while Mayotte voted 63.8% to remain with France .

Faced with this outcome, the French National Assembly controversially ruled that each island should decide its own status—a decision that violated United Nations Resolution 1514 (XV) on the preservation of colonial borders during decolonization . Seizing the initiative, the Comorian parliament led by President Ahmed Abdallah Abderemane unilaterally declared independence for the entire archipelago, including Mayotte, on July 6, 1975. This bold move, celebrated today as Independence Day, was immediately rejected by France regarding Mayotte but effectively established the Comoros as a sovereign nation for the three other islands.

Post-Independence Turbulence (1975-1989)

The joy of independence was short-lived as the new nation plunged into political chaos. Within months of the declaration, on August 3, 1975, President Abdallah was overthrown in a coup assisted by French mercenary Bob Denard and replaced by Prince Said Mohammed Jaffar. By January 1976, Jaffar was himself replaced by Ali Soilih, a radical socialist who embarked on an ambitious program to transform Comorian society.

Soilih's regime (1976-1978) sought to break completely with both French influence and traditional Islamic structures. He nationalized French-owned plantations, expelled foreign officials, and attempted to create a secular, socialist republic. His policies included dismantling the military, establishing revolutionary committees, and mobilizing youth in forced labor brigades. While initially popular among some segments of the population, Soilih's erratic rule and suppression of Islamic practices alienated many Comorians.

On May 13, 1978, Bob Denard returned with a band of mercenaries in Operation Azalee, overthrowing and killing Soilih in a violent coup. Denard reinstalled the exiled Ahmed Abdallah as president, marking the beginning of an eleven-year period where the mercenary would serve as de facto ruler while Abdallah maintained a facade of civilian leadership.

Abdallah's second presidency (1978-1989) saw the establishment of the Federal Islamic Republic of the Comoros on October 1, 1978, with a new constitution restoring Islam as the state religion while maintaining strong executive powers . The regime became increasingly authoritarian, banning political parties in 1979 and making the Comoros a one-party state under the Comorian Union for Progress (UCP) in 19821. Abdallah was reelected in 1984 as the sole candidate, winning over 99% of the vote in a clearly rigged election .

Behind the scenes, Denard and his Presidential Guard—funded and trained by apartheid South Africa and Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe)—controlled the country . The Comoros served as a strategic listening post for South African intelligence to monitor ANC activities in Tanzania and Mozambique, while also being used to evade international arms sanctions . Denard enriched himself through various business ventures, including his security and construction company SOGECOM, while relations between the mercenaries and local population deteriorated throughout the 1980s.

By 1989, with South Africa no longer willing to support the mercenary regime and France pressuring for their removal, Abdallah sought to expel Denard and his men. In response, the mercenaries assassinated Abdallah on November 26, 1989, in what was likely a coup attempt. French intervention finally forced Denard to leave the islands, ending this bizarre chapter of post-colonial history.

The Mayotte Question and Ongoing Colonial Legacy

While the Comoros celebrates July 6 as its Independence Day, the question of Mayotte has remained a persistent thorn in the nation's side. France organized a second referendum on Mayotte on February 8, 1976, which showed even stronger opposition to joining the Comoros—99.4% voted to remain with France. The Comorian government and international bodies like the United Nations and Organization of African Unity (OAU) have consistently maintained that Mayotte is an integral part of the Comoros under international law, citing UN Resolution 1514 which prohibits the breakup of colonial territories during decolonization.

France has defended its position by invoking the principle of self-determination, arguing that the Mahorais people have repeatedly expressed their will to remain French. Subsequent referendums in 2000 (73% for closer French ties) and 2009 (95.2% to become an overseas department) reinforced this stance. In 2011, Mayotte officially became France's 101st department and in 2014 was incorporated as an outermost region of the European Union.

The economic disparity between Mayotte and the independent Comoros has created a migration crisis. Mayotte, while the poorest French department, offers vastly superior healthcare, education, and economic opportunities, leading thousands of Comorians to risk the dangerous 100-kilometer crossing in flimsy kwassa-kwassa boats. France has responded with increasingly harsh immigration controls, including Operation Wuambushu ("Take Back") in 2023-2024, which involved destroying immigrant neighborhoods and revoking birthright citizenship for children of foreign parents born in Mayotte. These measures have exacerbated tensions between the two governments and highlighted the lingering effects of colonial partition.

Political Instability and Constitutional Evolution (1990-Present)

The post-Abdallah era has been marked by persistent political instability, with over 20 coups or attempted coups since independence. Said Mohamed Djohar (Abdallah's half-brother) became president in 1990 but was overthrown by Denard again in 1995—the mercenary's final intervention before French forces removed him permanently.

The late 1990s saw secessionist movements on Anjouan and Mohéli, which declared independence in 1997. Colonel Azali Assoumani emerged from this crisis, first taking power in a 1999 coup then negotiating the 2001 constitution that established the Union of the Comoros—a federal system granting significant autonomy to each island with a rotating presidency.

Recent years have seen democratic backsliding under Assoumani, who after returning to power in 2016 amended the constitution in 2018 to eliminate term limits and the rotating presidency. The 2019 elections, criticized by international observers, extended his rule amid allegations of fraud and repression.

Economic and Social Challenges of Independence

Economically, independent Comoros has struggled to overcome its colonial legacy. The country remains heavily dependent on cash crop exports (particularly vanilla and ylang-ylang) and remittances from a large diaspora. France continues to dominate economically—the Comorian franc is printed in France, most media is French, and essential goods are imported at prices unaffordable to many Comorians. With a GDP per capita of just $1,377 (2023 estimate), Comoros ranks among the world's poorest nations, with nearly 19% of the population living below the international poverty line between 2009-2014.

Socially, the Comoros has maintained its Islamic identity—98% of the population is Sunni Muslim—while preserving elements of Swahili and African traditions. The educational system continues to use French as the primary language of instruction, creating barriers for Shikomori-speaking students. Health indicators have improved since independence but remain poor by global standards, with high maternal and infant mortality rates.

Conclusion:

Fifty years after that historic declaration on July 6, 1975, the Comoros' independence remains an incomplete project. The nation continues to grapple with the legacies of colonialism—from the severed territory of Mayotte to economic dependency and political instability. Yet, the Comorian people have demonstrated remarkable resilience in maintaining their cultural identity and forging a unique path as the only entirely Southern Hemisphere member of the Arab League.

Independence Day celebrations across Grande Comore, Anjouan, and Mohéli reflect both pride in sovereignty and recognition of ongoing struggles. The four stars on the Comorian flag—one for each island including Mayotte—serve as a silent reminder that true independence may remain elusive until the archipelago is reunified. As Comorians continue to navigate the challenges of post-colonial development, their history stands as testament to both the promises and perils of national self-determination in our interconnected world.

Photo from: Shutterstock

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